There’s been a sizable backlash against certain methods (largely seen as doing more harm than good) of controlling, or labelling, or watching “sex offenders” in the US recently. CNN has coverage of a “poster child” (perhaps literally) case: the saga of Ricky Blackman.
The summation: Ricky was 16, had sex with a girl he thought was 15 (they met at a teen club). Iowa’s age of consent is 14, one of the lowest in the nation, but their law doesn’t carry a “Romeo & Juliet” provision. Later, she ran away from home. Because the two were known to be dating, the police came to interview Ricky. It’s at this point that he didn’t heed certain very, very sound legal advice and admitted to the cops to having sex with the girl, who as it turned out was actually 13.
From there, the story goes downhill. He pled guilty to having sex with the girl when charged, because his mother believed “the truth will set him free.” The judge in his case agreed the case was unusual and that jail time was simply inappropriate, and set up the terms of conviction so that the Iowa courts would automatically expunge his record of the conviction if he completed probation and “sex offender treatment” (frankly, I find the second part of that to still be overkill, but whatever). Again, this is where “Romeo and Juliet” clauses come into play. Unfortunately, because there is no “common sense” clause in the Iowa “sex offender registry” law (or anywhere else in the country, from what I can tell), a kid barely old enough to shave was tossed onto the registry for having consensual sex with his girlfriend.
The secondary problem comes in when the family tried to move, to get a fresh start. They moved to Oklahoma. Oklahoma’s legislature, in a fit of retarded splendor, ignores the constitutional Full Faith and Credit clause and refuses to recognize the expungements of most criminal convictions done in other states (the law was only recently changed, and only for “certain” crimes). Between that, and the circumstances of “one size fits all sex offender lists” (which don’t tell you WHAT the offender was convicted of, just call them a “sex offender”) his family was harassed wherever they went. The larger question of how society deals with sex offenders post-incarceration is, and always will be, problematic. For those who are truly rehabilitated, sorry for what they did, and trying to rebuild their lives, some of the limitations can make life almost impossible. And we know to a certain extent that when people have difficulty in finding work and reentering society, one common reaction is to go back to the offending behavior.
Of course, the other side - the fact that true psychopaths simply do not respond to rehabilitative methods, and are more likely than the normal population to con their way into an early release - is what has led to these draconian “post-incarceration” controls in the first place. I’d say we need to have a prohibition on letting diagnosed psychopaths into the parole system entirely, or perhaps even a required medical screening for this behavior on anyone’s incarceration, but I’m sure someone would have an objection to that.
{To be clear: this is not an opening for a discussion of “why consent limits should be lowered.” If anything, Iowa’s is already one of the lowest in the nation and maybe that’s why their state legislature decided a “Romeo & Juliet” clause wasn’t necessary.

All commentary on AOC laws can be directed here. As Web says, this isn’t about that.
I could really be on board with the post-sentence penalties (registries and so on) if we were to restrict this kind of activity to only the worst of the worst. Romeo and Juliet cases are the classic example where people get roped in for crimes of dubious immorality.
The foundation of these laws are that pedophiles have higher recidivism, but the studies on this have produced mixed results. Could be that the new crimes just go unreported or could be that the statistics include Romeos. On the one hand pedophelia is something that you don’t really expect someone to just “get over” but on the other hand they’re often crimes of opportunity and by the time they get out they no longer have the opportunity. So it’s already problematic but it becomes much moreso when you lump minor crimes in with major ones.
Comment by trumwill — February 24, 2010 @ 12:41 am
“I could really be on board with the post-sentence penalties (registries and so on) if we were to restrict this kind of activity to only the worst of the worst.”
Second. I’m tired of having to deal with client dads with all kinds of restrictions because they were convicted of having sex with a minor in their late teens or early 20s.
And I don’t see the value in the zoning restrictions. It just aggregates the offenders in unlucky areas.
Comment by Sheila Tone — February 24, 2010 @ 10:19 pm
I could see reasonable zoning restrictions around schools. Emphasis on “reasonable” (if it cuts off more than 10% of their housing options, it’s not reasonable). But the “no offenders in our neighborhood at all” just kicks the can down the curb.
This, too, would need to be limited to people that molested people of pre-sexual or very early sexual age and with a significant age difference.
Maybe even limited to offenders that molested non-relatives and/or offenders that molested people that didn’t live with them. Not that molesting non-relatives is somehow less awful, but someone that takes advantage of the presence of a step-daughter is far less likely to abduct or worm his way into the life of some random kid on the street.
Comment by trumwill — February 25, 2010 @ 12:48 am
“And I don’t see the value in the zoning restrictions. It just aggregates the offenders in unlucky areas. ”
The theory goes that it puts the offenders in a few areas whereby the cops know to watch them, and it keeps the offenders away from “tempting” areas.
The problem goes that it doesn’t restrict where the offenders go during the day anyways, and restraining/conduct orders are only enforced when it’s “too late.”
“I could see reasonable zoning restrictions around schools. Emphasis on “reasonable” (if it cuts off more than 10% of their housing options, it’s not reasonable). But the “no offenders in our neighborhood at all” just kicks the can down the curb.”
I don’t know about the percentage. I’d say that cutting off up to 50% of the sum-total of housing options may still be reasonable if the goal is to keep them from having easy access to kids.
Completely agreed on the “kicking the can down the curb” problem, however.
Comment by web — February 25, 2010 @ 6:34 am